Smoke notebook
Created 25 May 2026 • Last modified 8 Jul 2026
Background
Idea
Study influences on the third-person effect (or illusory superiority, or optimism bias) in addictivity. It appears that people think they're less likely to get addicted than the average person. See if you can replicate this. Then study what might influence or ameliorate this bias.
What kind of influences should I examine?
- Don't expect people to think hard about this stuff, of course.
- Chase strong rather than weak effects.
- I could have people write down a reason they thought that they were less vulnerable to a vice than the average person (and later try to taxonomize these reasons), but is lay justification really what I'm interested in?
- One basic social-psychological sort of prediction, similar to the fundamental attribution error, is that people may see others as more affected by outside forces, like an addictive drug, than themselves. (Here the similarity with the third-person effect in media psychology is particularly clear.)
- The dumbest version of this is thinking "If I was smoking too much, I could just decide to stop smoking, or smoke less." with no elaboration on the difficulty of this, or how well the same idea applies to other people.
- Broader self-enhancement biases, like people believing they're smarter or more competent than the average person, could explain this particular self-enhancement bias. This may include dissonance reduction, but that might only apply if the person already has a bad habit, rather than imagining the situation if they had it.
The effects perceptible for the last and penultimate bullet point here seem unlikely to be strong. For lack of better ideas, let's have people write down some reasons and see what we get.
Reading
- https://cancercontrol.cancer.gov/brp/research/constructs/optimistic-bias - a review piece on optimistic bias
- Davison (1983) - The original paper about the third-person effect
- Popova and Halpern-Felsher (2016), Weinstein, Slovic, and Gibson (2004), Twigg and Byrne (2015) - Adolescents believed they were less likely to get addicted to smoking than a comparable average person. Similarly, Strombotne, Sindelar, and Buckell (2021) found this for vaping. Note that in Twigg and Byrne (2015) it appears there is also a pessimistic bias in which nonsmokers believed they would find it more difficult than average to quit (if they took up smoking).
- Arnett (2000): people agreed that smoking was addictive, but smokers tended to say that they "could smoke for a few years and then quit" if they wished
- Morris, Tattan-Birch, Albery, Heather, and Moss (2025) - more "defensive processing" among people with higher AUDIT-C scores
- http://www.jamesdivory.com/Ivory20043pGamesICA.pdf - People agreed less with "I am addicted to video games." than "I think that other people may become addicted to video games." Similarly, Çakır, Çakır, and Gülnar (2015) found that people agreed more with "Watching television causes addiction" than "I am a television addict"
- Heck, Simons, and Chabris (2018) - 65% of American believe they're more intelligent than the average person
- Greening and Chandler (1997) - optimistic bias for risky events, like car accidents, may be caused by people's beliefs that they have better skills than average
How an optimistic bias for addiction was measured:
- Popova and Halpern-Felsher (2016): The subject rated the probability from 0% to 100% for "If you/John/Jill just started smoking 2-3 cigarettes per day" or "continued to smoke 2-3 cigarettes per day for the rest of your/his/her life" (it's not clear how "John" or "Jill" were defined) followed by various outcomes such as "become addicted", "still be smoking in 5 years", "quit if you/he/she want(s)".
- Weinstein et al. (2004): "In your opinion, once someone has been smoking half a pack of cigarettes a day for several years, how easy is it for them to quit and never smoke again: easy, and most people can do it without much trouble; hard, but most people can do it if they really try; very hard, and most cannot do it; almost impossible, and only a few will be able to do it?" vs. "In your opinion, if you were to smoke a pack of cigarettes a day, how easy would it be for you to quit and never smoke again: very easy, you could quit with no trouble; hard, but you could do it if you really tried; very hard, you don’t know that you could do it; almost impossible, you doubt that you could do it?". Moreoever: "Compared to the average smoker, do you think that you could quit smoking more easily, less easily, or about as easily?"
- Twigg and Byrne (2015): "Compared to an average smoker [or "Compared to a friend of yours"], if you smoked at least three cigarettes each day for the next five years, how easy would it be for you to quit smoking?", rated from 1 (much harder than) to 7 (much easier than).
- Strombotne et al. (2021): "If you or the person/group below were to use e-cigarettes (including JUUL-types) with nicotine on a regular basis, how difficult do you think it would be for them to quit?" The types of people were "you"; "your best friend"; "someone else your age at your school, at work, or in your neighborhood"; and "an average U.S. teenager of your age". They were rated from 0 (easy to quit) to 10 (hard to quit).
Design thinking
Ask separately about a few things that people might be addicted to or have a bad habit of use: alcohol, tobacco, some purely behavioral stuff. For each item, you could ask if the subject is already hooked, how readily he could quit if he was hooked, and how readily the average person could quit if he was hooked.
Rather than asking about "addiction" per se, you could ask to the effect of "Supposing you did this thing a lot, and you wanted to quit, how hard to do you think it would be to quit?". This avoids some definitional issues around addiction.
When asking about others, you could use the term "average person", but you could also try to use something a little more well-defined, like "a random person among those who take this survey". This makes it easier to say whether the sample is optimistically biased.
TVs 1 and 2
TV 2 added the question about a reason for optimism. It was otherwise identical to TV 1.
(len (responses-for-tvs [1 2]))
| 20 |
The last 5 subjects were run on TV 2 by accident; I meant TV 3 for them.
(summaries [1 2] 'general)
| vice | hooked | self | other | opt | eq | pes | s_sd |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| caffeine | .45 | 2.4 | 3.6 | .70 | .25 | .05 | 1.07 |
| nicotine | .25 | 3.0 | 4.2 | .50 | .45 | .05 | 1.69 |
| alcohol | .10 | 2.0 | 3.6 | .70 | .15 | .15 | 1.24 |
| cannabis | .15 | 2.2 | 3.6 | .70 | .25 | .05 | 1.49 |
| harddrugs | .00 | 2.1 | 3.8 | .70 | .30 | .00 | 1.48 |
| gambling | .15 | 2.0 | 3.8 | .75 | .20 | .05 | 0.92 |
| sex | .30 | 2.2 | 2.9 | .45 | .40 | .15 | 1.13 |
| food | .55 | 2.7 | 3.3 | .50 | .25 | .25 | 1.42 |
| computer | .85 | 3.6 | 3.8 | .50 | .20 | .30 | 1.28 |
| shopping | .30 | 2.0 | 3.1 | .70 | .10 | .20 | 1.30 |
Overall there does appear to be a tendency for optimism.
(summaries [1 2] 'by-hooked)
| vice | hooked | self_h | self_nh | other_h | other_nh | opt_h | opt_nh |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| caffeine | .45 | 2.9 | 2.1 | 3.4 | 3.6 | .56 | .82 |
| nicotine | .25 | 4.6 | 2.5 | 4.6 | 4.1 | .00 | .67 |
| alcohol | .10 | 3.5 | 1.9 | 4.0 | 3.6 | .50 | .72 |
| cannabis | .15 | 4.0 | 1.8 | 4.7 | 3.4 | .67 | .71 |
| harddrugs | .00 | 2.1 | 3.8 | .70 | |||
| gambling | .15 | 2.0 | 2.1 | 4.3 | 3.6 | 1.00 | .71 |
| sex | .30 | 3.2 | 1.9 | 3.3 | 2.7 | .33 | .50 |
| food | .55 | 3.6 | 1.6 | 3.2 | 3.4 | .18 | .89 |
| computer | .85 | 3.9 | 1.3 | 3.8 | 3.7 | .41 | 1.00 |
| shopping | .30 | 3.3 | 1.4 | 3.2 | 3.1 | .17 | .93 |
People see a vice as more difficult to quit if they're already hooked, whether they're thinking about themselves or another person. In particular, the mean for self-difficulty tends to be ≥ 3 (intermediate difficulty) for hooked subjects and < 3 for non-hooked subjects. Furthermore, optimism is generally high among the non-hooked but low among the hooked.
(reasons 2)
| subject | vice | hooked | self | other | optimism_reason |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 11 | nicotine | No | 2 | 5 | I've quit it before plenty of times |
| 12 | cannabis | No | 1 | 5 | Because I have little interest |
| 13 | caffeine | No | 1 | 3 | I don't currently use anything involving caffeine. |
| 14 | caffeine | No | 3 | 4 | because I like drinking water |
| 15 | nicotine | No | 1 | 5 | Most people are addicted to these things |
| 16 | food | No | 1 | 3 | im not really a big eater,id say below average. |
| 17 | nicotine | No | 1 | 4 | If someone has been smoking for years and years, it's probably not something they could just go cold turkey and stop doing all together. |
| 18 | caffeine | No | 2 | 5 | I don't have a packed schedule but I imagine the average person does. I think caffeine is a thing people consume to cope with busy schedules which isn't really relevant to me. |
| 19 | alcohol | No | 1 | 3 | I hate the way it smells so that will help me, also the out of control bothers me |
| 20 | harddrugs | No | 2 | 5 | I have an easier time managing addictions |
The first 5 of these were frustrating to receive. Subject 11's reply is a classic joke. Subjects 11, 13, and 15 seem to be failing to consider the whole hypothetical scenario, either the part about how the subject is hooked or the part about how the comparison person is a randomly chosen user. Only subject 14 comes off as particularly responsive.
The second 5 are better; only subject 17 comes off as misunderstanding the question.
Midway thinking
There are a lot of parts, conceptually, to an optimistic relative judgment here, including the subject's beliefs about whether he's hooked right now, the possiblity of getting hooked in the future, the difficulty of quitting, and all these qualities for some other arbitrarily selected person. Of course I can't expect suboordinate judgments like these to combine neatly into an overall judgment: people aren't rational in this way. But I may make my life easier by looking at correlations and manipulations for one of these more tightly scoped judgments rather than the whole optimism difference.
I think I'm more interested in people judgment's about addictivity for things they aren't already hooked on: given the higher self-difficulty ratings from the people who are already hooked, I bet that the non-hooked have less realistic judgments. A serious problem is that people may not be interpreting the question in the way that I want, not realizing I want them to imagine that they're really hooked ("Suppose you overindulged in this thing" could be interpreted as meaning just overindulgence for an evening, or something like that).
People who rate difficulty_self_nicotine 1 or 2 could be followed up with a question about why they think it would be easy.
TV 3
In TV 3, I reworded the difficulty questions to make it clear that subjects should imagine being hooked for a while, not a one-time overindulgence. I also added a follow-up question for any low difficulty_self_nicotine ratings, as a good example of apparently unrealistic optimism.
(len (responses-for-tvs 3))
| 25 |
(summaries 3 'general)
| vice | hooked | self | other | opt | eq | pes | s_sd |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| caffeine | .40 | 3.2 | 3.7 | .48 | .40 | .12 | 0.95 |
| nicotine | .16 | 3.6 | 4.2 | .40 | .40 | .20 | 1.70 |
| alcohol | .16 | 3.4 | 4.0 | .36 | .52 | .12 | 1.44 |
| cannabis | .08 | 3.0 | 4.1 | .68 | .32 | .00 | 1.36 |
| harddrugs | .00 | 3.5 | 4.1 | .32 | .60 | .08 | 1.68 |
| gambling | .12 | 3.2 | 3.8 | .44 | .48 | .08 | 1.46 |
| sex | .20 | 3.4 | 3.4 | .28 | .40 | .32 | 1.13 |
| food | .36 | 3.2 | 3.6 | .36 | .56 | .08 | 1.17 |
| computer | .68 | 3.3 | 3.8 | .44 | .48 | .08 | 1.19 |
| shopping | .24 | 2.5 | 3.1 | .52 | .36 | .12 | 1.06 |
Optimism is looking less common now. Perhaps the new wording made a difference.
(summaries 3 'by-hooked)
| vice | hooked | self_h | self_nh | other_h | other_nh | opt_h | opt_nh |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| caffeine | .40 | 3.2 | 3.3 | 3.4 | 3.9 | .30 | .60 |
| nicotine | .16 | 4.0 | 3.5 | 3.8 | 4.2 | .25 | .43 |
| alcohol | .16 | 3.8 | 3.3 | 3.5 | 4.0 | .25 | .38 |
| cannabis | .08 | 2.5 | 3.0 | 3.5 | 4.1 | 1.00 | .65 |
| harddrugs | .00 | 3.5 | 4.1 | .32 | |||
| gambling | .12 | 3.0 | 3.2 | 3.3 | 3.9 | .33 | .45 |
| sex | .20 | 4.6 | 3.1 | 3.0 | 3.4 | .00 | .35 |
| food | .36 | 3.8 | 2.9 | 3.7 | 3.6 | .22 | .44 |
| computer | .68 | 3.8 | 2.2 | 4.2 | 3.1 | .41 | .50 |
| shopping | .24 | 3.5 | 2.2 | 3.3 | 3.1 | .33 | .58 |
Even among the non-hooked, optimism rates are not that high.
(reasons 3)
| subject | vice | hooked | self | other | optimism_reason |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 21 | sex | No | 2 | 4 | I'm too old! |
| 22 | shopping | No | 2 | 3 | I don't know the other person but I'd assume it'd be somewhat difficult. I'd feel confident I could quit this |
| 23 | cannabis | No | 1 | 3 | I have a greater willpower than average. |
| 24 | food | No | 1 | 4 | Food does not interest me. |
| 25 | caffeine | No | 3 | 4 | I think it would easier for me as I never really enjoyed caffeine drinks like coffee so I think I could easily stop consuming them |
| 26 | sex | No | 3 | 4 | no sexually out there |
| 27 | cannabis | No | 1 | 4 | I am not a user of cannabis so I would not have an issue with quitting, now on the otherhand I know of several ppl use do use cannabis and they would have a hard time quitting - self admitted |
| 28 | caffeine | Yes | 2 | 4 | I know I can do I because I do cut it out sometimes. I have notived other people say they can't. |
| 29 | nicotine | No | 1 | 3 | I am not that sensitive to nicotine |
| 30 | caffeine | No | 3 | 5 | It's something I've given up already, so I know how to do it and could do it again. |
| 31 | nicotine | No | 1 | 3 | I can do anything I put my mind to |
| 32 | computer | Yes | 3 | 4 | Because personally I would prefer it if I didnt use it as much. And if it were banned, I dont think I would mind. But thus generation is obsessed with social media. Tiktok etc, so they may find it hard |
| 33 | caffeine | Yes | 2 | 4 | I like the taste but I'm a high energy person already. Caffeine doesn't affect me much. |
| 34 | caffeine | No | 4 | 5 | Because I have had periods of my life where I have not drank or consumed any caffeine. |
| 35 | alcohol | No | 2 | 4 | I have stomach inflammation which makes it easier for me rather than the average person. |
| 36 | nicotine | No | 1 | 3 | I have never smoked or vaped so it would be easy for me |
| 37 | cannabis | No | 4 | 5 | I have a strong commitment to pursue my decisions so if I want to quit marijuana I can as I am not extremely addicted to it and can live without it |
| 38 | caffeine | No | 3 | 4 | made a mistake |
| 39 | caffeine | No | 4 | 5 | I think I am more addicted to other things like nicotine, but someone who's only vice is caffeine would find it harder depending on the demands of their job compared to mine. |
| 40 | sex | No | 4 | 5 | I believe I have more experience with abstaining for periods of time e.g. long distance relationships |
| 41 | nicotine | No | 1 | 4 | I don't use nicotine products, so it's easy for me to quit when I haven't done much |
| 42 | nicotine | No | 1 | 5 | I am not a smoker/vaper, so it would be easy for me to not. |
| 43 | caffeine | No | 3 | 4 | I have never drank more than 1 cup of coffee per day. I think it would be easier for me to quit compared to most people who have multiple cups per day. |
| 44 | harddrugs | No | 1 | 3 | Because I never started |
(reasons 3 :nicotine T)
| subject | hooked | self | other | easy_nicotine_reason |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 24 | Yes | 1 | 3 | I have no interest in it. Just a thing. |
| 29 | No | 1 | 3 | I don't feel the buzz |
| 31 | No | 1 | 3 | I can do anything I put my mind to |
| 33 | No | 1 | 3 | I know what my self control is like. I am very patient and disciplined |
| 36 | No | 1 | 3 | I have never used it so I cannot be addicted to it |
| 41 | No | 1 | 4 | I don't take nicotine products, so I don't worry about the addictive effects |
| 42 | No | 1 | 5 | I am not currently a nicotine user, so it would be easy for me not to indulge in this. |
(wc (pd.read-csv "ratings.csv") (valcounts $rating $variable))
| rating | easy_nicotine | optimism_reason |
|---|---|---|
| ? | 0 | 3 |
| dislike_vice | 5 | 11 |
| im_smart | 2 | 4 |
| physiological | 0 | 2 |
| quit_before | 0 | 4 |
Here are my informal categorizations of the various reasons written above. A lot of the reasons come off as failing to consider the hypothetical question at all ("I don't take nicotine products, so I don't worry about the addictive effects") or, relatedly, the subject saying he or she doesn't like the vice anyway. In a way, it's a difficult hypothetical: how do I imagine how difficult it would be to stop compulsive shopping, given that I don't particularly like shopping in the first place? How else should I imagine my character or circumstances changed in order to accommodate the hypothetical? The random other person that the subject is asked about is not so clearly characterized for the subject, and so an archetypal junkie can easily be imagined. I could try to be more careful in defining the situation, in a way that makes it theoretically easier to answer correctly, but as in Incompat, I fear it will be too difficult to get people to think hard enough.
References
Arnett, J. J. (2000). Optimistic bias in adolescent and adult smokers and nonsmokers. Addictive Behaviors, 25(4), 625–632. doi:10.1016/S0306-4603(99)00072-6
Davison, W. P. (1983). The third-person effect in communication. Public Opinion Quarterly, 47(1), 1–15. doi:10.1086/268763
Greening, L., & Chandler, C. C. (1997). Why it can't happen to me: The base rate matters, but overestimating skill leads to underestimating risk. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 27(9), 760–780. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.1997.tb00658.x
Heck, P. R., Simons, D. J., & Chabris, C. F. (2018). 65% of Americans believe they are above average in intelligence: Results of two nationally representative surveys. PLOS ONE. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0200103
Morris, J., Tattan-Birch, H., Albery, I. P., Heather, N., & Moss, A. C. (2025). Look away now! Defensive processing and unrealistic optimism by level of alcohol consumption. Psychology & Health, 40(8), 1339–1357. doi:10.1080/08870446.2024.2316681
Popova, L., & Halpern-Felsher, B. L. (2016). A longitudinal study of adolescents' optimistic bias about risks and benefits of cigarette smoking. American Journal of Health Behavior, 40(3), 341–351. doi:10.5993/AJHB.40.3.6
Strombotne, K., Sindelar, J., & Buckell, J. (2021). Who, me? Optimism bias about US teenagers' ability to quit vaping. Addiction, 116(11), 3180–3187. doi:10.1111/add.15525
Twigg, O. C., & Byrne, D. G. (2015). Perceived susceptibility to addiction among adolescent smokers. Journal of Child and Adolescent Substance Abuse, 24(5), 235–242. doi:10.1080/1067828X.2013.812531
Weinstein, N. D., Slovic, P., & Gibson, G. (2004). Accuracy and optimism in smokers' beliefs about quitting. Nicotine and Tobacco Research, 6, S375–S380. doi:10.1080/14622200412331320789
Çakır, V., Çakır, V., & Gülnar, B. (2015). Television addiction in the context of the third person effect theory. Macrotheme Review, 4, 67–75. Retrieved from https://macrotheme.com/yahoo_site_admin/assets/docs/7MR42Tu.803344.pdf